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Russian military deception is broadly equated with maskirovka,[14][15][16] but other Russian terms are also used in the area, including the "fog of war", tuman voyny.[17] Khitrost means a commander's personal gift of cunning and guile, part of his military skill, whereas deception is practised by the whole organization and does not carry the sense of personal trickiness; nor need the Russian use of deception be thought of as "evil".[18] Indeed, Michael Handel reminds readers, in the preface to the military analyst David Glantz's book, of Sun Tzu's claim in The Art of War that all warfare is based on deception; Handel suggests that deception is a normal and indeed necessary part of warfare.[19] The goal of military deception is however surprise, vnezapnost, so the two are naturally studied together.[20]
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Zhukov's attack began on 4 August, and the 20th and 31st Armies advanced 40 kilometres (25 mi) in two days. The Russians claimed that surprise had been achieved; this is confirmed by the fact that German intelligence failed to notice Zhukov's concentration of 20th and 31st Armies on Rzhev. Other small offensives on the same front had poorly planned and executed deception measures, but these were largely unsuccessful. The successful deception for the attack on Rzhev showed that military deception could be effective, but that only certain Red Army commanders applied it correctly.[36]
Despite the correct appreciation by German air reconnaissance of a major build-up of forces on the River Don,[43] the commander of the 6th Army, Friedrich Paulus took no action. He was caught completely by surprise, failing either to prepare his armour as a mobile reserve with fuel and ammunition, or to move it on the day of the attack.[44] The historian David Glantz considered that the concealment of the scale of the offensive was the Red Army's "greatest feat".[45]
The result was that the Germans attacked Russian forces far stronger than those they were expecting.[46][50] The commander of the Soviet 1st Tank Army, Mikhail Katukov, remarked that the enemy "did not suspect that our well-camouflaged tanks were waiting for him. As we later learned from prisoners, we had managed to move our tanks forward unnoticed."[51] Katukov's tanks were concealed in defensive emplacements prepared before the battle, with only their turrets above ground level.[51] Glantz records that the German general Friedrich von Mellenthin wrote[52]
1. Following events have taken place:A. On 29 May Deputy Regional Commissioner of Liguria was refused permission by French local commander to post Allied Proclamations in western Imperia establishing AMG and was advised that General Doyen, Commanding French Army of Alps, was unable to envisage a change in administration in western Imperia at this juncture as any such change would appear to Italians as retreat on the part of France.B. On 30 May General Doyen sent a letter to General Crittenberger, Commanding IV Corps, referring to the action of the Deputy Regional Commissioner Piemonte in his attempts to establish military government in province of Cuneo. The letter outlines French justification for occupying northwest Italy. . . . 9 C. Following radio message was received by GG IV CORPS on night 2/3 from General Doyen:
Doing so wasn't a matter of casual choice or a chance encounter with a recruiter. For reasons still largely unknown to me, my teenage psyche had long before latched onto the dreamlike notion of serving in special operations. I had been mentored by a Vietnam-era Navy SEAL, meticulously researched the elite units of all branches of service, and come to the steadfast conclusion that my dream was to become a Green Beret team commander. This required me to first be an officer, so I shrewdly applied to exactly one college: West Point.
But my dream remained to become a Green Beret team commander, a key component of which was becoming an officer in the first place. So when my second application to West Point was accepted with the condition that I attend a year at the Preparatory School first, I took off my tan beret and accepted.
Storm tactics were championed by General Oskar von Hutier, an army commander battling Tsarist Russia on the Eastern Front. Hutier envisioned an offensive beginning with an artillery barrage intensive enough to paralyze the defenders, but short enough to avoid giving them too much warning to bring up reserves. The barrage would comprise poison gas as well as high-explosive shells to stun the enemy as well as force them to don cumbersome gas masks.
Between March and June 1918, Germany launched four offensives. At first they succeeded so well that the British commander, Field Marshal Douglas Haig, warned his troops that their "backs are to the wall." Yet by the end, it was the Germans who had lost.
I also think that we need to really at the structure and organisation of IMTs so the we have experienced fire commanders in the field watching over the operations rather than having them in offices remote from the fire. We have ended up making decisions away from the fire based on virtual reality without a real appreciation and understanding of the ever changing fire environment.
Its commander, Bryan Hilton-Jones, was determined to secure highly intelligent, very fit young men who were desperately keen to fight. He did not have to search hard for the first candidates, some of whom had come to England on the Kindertransport, who had been badgering the authorities to let them join fighting units and hit back at those who had destroyed their families.
Most features we occupied from Rayani had names, given no doubt many years before by the military: Sugar Loaf, MKP, Basil's Bump, 101, Camel's Hump, Green-woods Corner, North Point, to name but a few. One day we had to occupy MKP, a long ridge about a thousand yards long, and 7000 to 8000 ft high. It so happened that L/Cpl Knight of 'A' Coy had been shot dead on this feature a few weeks previously. (L/Cpl. G. S. Knight was killed on 26.7.40.) It was said that he was leading man (section commander) and instead of climbing up the usual spur, he went up another one. These approaches had been worked out as the safest way long before our time up there, that's for sure. Well, Knight got to the crest where the tribesman were waiting. They knew the drill all right. Usually the troops would wait for everybody to catch up and get their breath back, about thirty yards from the top. Then it was fix bayonets, up and over the crest.
He was a regular, hailing from Tipton or West Bromwich, and was due to go far. In fact at one time he was a sergeant, but he was not very popular with the men, because he was a strict disciplinarian, on or off parade. But he wasn't a bully. He knew it all, without being big-headed, and rarely got caught out, but one Christmas Day at Sialkot he was guard commander of the Quarter Guard. In the evening of Christmas Day, someone in authority, I never did know who it was, visited the guardroom and found Sgt. C under the influence of drink. He was relieved, placed in close arrest, and eventually court-martialled. Reduced to corporal, he soldiered on in his extremely efficient manner, and in time he was promoted to sergeant for the second time. A few years after the war, I read in the Daily Mirror one day: "RSM IS SEVERELY REPRIMANDED BY HIS LADY CO". He was then i/c the depot staff at an ATS training establishment commanded by a ATS Colonel. One evening he went out for leisure, but didn't return to his quarters till next morning. Apparently he should have applied for a pass from the CO.
At the time of this incident the sangar platoon commander was Lieut. Hunter, I think, but I am not sure because I wasn't there. The platoon was from 'C' Company. The men who were there told us that the platoon commander called everybody together except the sentries, and said a prayer for Pte. Pearson, who came from my home town of Smethwick. (Pte. W. E. Pearson was killed on 5.7.40.)
On another road-opening day my platoon was sent to picquet a very high feature, about 8000 ft or more. It was "Camel's Hump" which was mainly a long, curved rising spur which dominated the road below where it had a sharp bend. We knew the layout inside out, having been on it several times. On one side the spur dropped away quite steeply more or less to the level of the road. On the other side was the usual nullah rising to a ridge almost parallel to ours but slightly lower and some three or four hundred yards across from us. This ridge, or spur, was dotted with trees and small bushes. The platoon commander and our sergeant knew the various section positions off by heart, as did the men. All companies and all platoons used the same positions, because they were the best for observation, defence, and the final withdrawal. I can't recall now if we had the old-fashioned four sections to a platoon, four platoons to a company then, or whether we had changed to the modern "three of each". No matter. We were all riflemen except one section which had the LMG, similar to the Bren Gun, called the VB (Vickers Berthier), which the Indian Army had chosen instead of the Bren, though during the course of WW2 they adopted the Bren, the same as the British Army.
When a platoon withdrew from a position at the end of the day, again, apart from the struggling, running and slipping, a well practised procedure was followed. That is, provided there were no incidents. The platoon commander would withdraw first with the leading section. This was followed by the next section(s) at intervals of a few minutes. This gave them time to form laybacks part way down the slopes, to cover the last section off the top along with the platoon sergeant, and the signaller who would carry on waving his flag to and fro across his body, to let the men below know that he was the last man. On this day of which I write, the withdrawal procedure was altered slightly. The platoon commander (2/Lieut. Morgan) stayed behind and came down with the last wave (section), while the sergeant went off with the leading section. I was about a hundred and fifty yards from the crest, with my own section which I commanded (unpaid L/Cpl), when we heard prolonged shooting. Back we went, reluctantly, in case our last section was in trouble. Indeed they were! We could see a few men pinned to the ground by fire obviously coming from the nearby spur to ours. We shouted to them to try and crawl back to us while we fired into the opposite slope where the hostiles were hidden. They could have been there in position before dawn, waiting patiently for the opportunity to ambush the last troops to withdraw. We had to keep our heads down, but when the word was passed back that our officer had been hit and couldn't move we knew we were in serious trouble. No person, dead or wounded was left behind intentionally, because of the custom of hostile tribesmen of torturing and/or mutilating. Our Colonel once told us in a lecture that, if needs be, he would counter-attack with the whole Battalion to retrieve the dead body of one of our men. 350c69d7ab
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